The origins of pencak silat are shrouded in mystery. The lack of adequate written references makes it impossible to ascertain any detailed information regarding the way in which it was practiced, or even if it existed in a form resembling that identifiable as pencak silat today prior to the early 18th century. In so far as it constitutes a ‘body culture‘, the body itself has necessarily been its primary medium of transmission. Consequently any theories regarding silat‘s early history must build mainly on forms of evidence that are not at the core of practice. With these limitations in mind, in this chapter I will outline the history of pencak silat. I will then go on to examine in detail the origins and spread of some of the styles that have been historically prominent in West Java. These details are significant, for together these aliran have come to form the foundation for pencak silat practice in West Java, in terms of technique, method, lines of transmission, ethics, as well as underlying attitudes and assumptions regarding the nature and potential of the body. They continue to act as the major point of reference for gauging authenticity and defining identity by proceeding generations of silat practitioners.
In order to grasp the way changing silat practices have subsequently reinscribed or reconfigured ‘body awareness‘ we must begin by looking at some of the key components of ‘traditional‘ or ‘original‘ praxis. Through the examples that follow, I will be suggesting ways in which early practitioners implicitly related to the natural world, the metaphysical realm, the physical senses and other human bodies.
Creation myths surrounding pencak silat, where they exist, fall into a number of distinct types. The first type posits silat as a product of the interaction between humans and the natural world. The observation and mimicry of the movements of animals or natural elements; witnessing fights between tigers, the snatching of a monkey, swooping eagles, the flow of a river or a gust of wind is developed into a fighting system. People learn from the environment in which they live and apply it to the human body. The second traces a vertical line between the human and supernatural world. This may be in the form of divine inspiration (Ind: ilham) obtained through prayer or asceticism, an ‘heirloom‘ (Ind: pusaka) from ancestral spirits, or contact with djinn and other types of lesser supernatural beings.
Then there are myths that trace lineages back to a historical person. These lineages (Ind: silsilah) may follow familial lines, genealogies of teacher and student, or may transcend conventional notions of time and space. In traditional society in Java, martial prowess was a form of social and political capital. The fear and awe inspired by those who had mastered fighting arts and obtained physical invulnerability was a foundation upon which political power could be built. Invulnerability especially had a potent symbolic value as a type of spiritual mandate, and was stressed within rural leadership. It along with martial arts also constituted a basic survival skill in an environment where violence, banditry and social unrest were common.  The 19th century traditional historiography Sajarah Sukapura describes the ideal menak (Sundanese aristocrat) in terms of martial prowess: “Whoever has supernatural powers, strong skin, an effective sword and is brave, they will be considered a menak who is loved and exulted by their inferiors, and whose every desire will be accommodated”. 
In pre-Mataram Sundanese tradition, power was believed to emanate from sacred sites (Sd: kabuyutan).  They could become the ruler of a certain area if they gained control of a sacred site, usually an ancestral grave. The text Amanat Galunggung states that if a ruler gained control of a kabuyutan and performed ascetic exercises they could obtain supernatural powers that would ensure their victory in battle, wealth and success.  According to Nina Lubis the Sundanese menak also obtained supernatural powers through the study of various esoteric sciences (Sd: elmu) such as elmu kawedukan (invulnerability) and elmu kabedasan (superhuman strength).  Lubis also notes that it wasn‘t until around the 19th century that the concept of kasaktian and temporal power were separated. Kesaktian came to be identified as a personal quality, whereas temporal power was considered to rely upon military strength.  Physical coercion, or the threat of it, was one of the primary foundations of economic and political power.
Ricklefs argues that military power was the basis of imperial politics, in a society where violence was a central social fact.  Upward mobility was possible, especially through success in battle. As Hobsbawn notes in his study on bandits, kings and emperors in Europe often started their lives as bandit chiefs or warlords.  Java was no exception in this regard. Ken Angrok, the founder of the 13th century kingdom of Singosari in East Java spent his early years as an outlaw and thief. Wandering aristocratic warriors (Ind: satria lelana) and bandit groups were also a common feature of the Javanese landscape, being a regular source of political and social unrest.  One pencak silat expert suggests that:
Those who were strong and had a talent for fighting were given a good position in society, to the extent that they often became head of the tribe or a warlord king. Over time the science of fighting  became more organized, eventuating in the emergence of a martial art known as pencak silat.
There are a number of theories regarding the early history of the spread of pencak silat throughout the region. Donn Draeger, in his study of the weapons and fighting arts of Indonesia, suggest that the island of Riau played a pivotal role in the spread of pencak silat throughout what is now the Indonesian archipelago.  Beginning from the seventh century Riau acted as a major port for the Buddhist kingdom of Sriwijaya, whose power extended from Southern Sumatra through the Straits of Malacca, and to Banten on the coast of north-west Java. Its economic influence reached as far as southern China, Cambodia and Sri Lanka. Aside from acting as a major centre for trade throughout the region, Sriwijaya was also a centre for religious learning. Monks as well as scholars from China, India and Sri Lanka travelled to the monastery of Nalanda to study Sanskrit. There seems however no reason to assume that pencak silat either originated in or was disseminated from one particular place. Whilst the Sriwijaya kingdom may have played a role in the spread of particular martial techniques, as well as the acculturation of elements from Chinese and Indian martial traditions within Sumatra, it is difficult to ascertain to what extent it influenced the configuration of pencak silat in either western or central Java.
Maryono theorises that silat developed as martial tradition primarily within the royal courts.  Certainly the concentration of temporal power would require an organized military. The kingdoms of Sriwijaya, Saliendra, Majapahit, and later Mataram, required large and well-organised armies to maintain and expand their empires. During periods of armed conflict and expansionism military service was compulsory for the peasantry. 
The martial skill imparted was limited to basic drills, however some diffusion of fighting skills from the professional warrior class to commoners undoubtedly occurred. One of the best known groups of full-time warriors was the Bhayangkari of the 14th century Majapahit kingdom, led by Gadjah Mada who later became prime-minister.  Kings such as Senapati and Ki Jaka Tingkir were initially commanders of the royal bodyguard. Moertono states that in order to join these special units one had to possess magical powers (such as the ability to crack the skull of an enraged bull) and demonstrate unwavering loyalty.  According to Pigeaud only village youths who had a close relationship to local aristocrats could apply to become elite court guards.  If martial and magical abilities were a prerequisite, then it would seem that initiation and training was available to those outside of the confines of the court. References to Javanese warfare techniques (Jv: ngelmu yudha, Sd: hulu jurit) can be found in colonial records dating back to 1622:
Their weapons consist chiefly of pikes, creeses, and shields. They are so exceedingly clever and adept in the use of these arms that no people can put them to shame. They are particularly skilled at using the long pike on horseback, for they are fine horsemen, and excel our riders in this respect, for they have both hands at their disposal, as they guide the horse with their knees and body. 
Unfortunately however there is no material shedding light on the specific techniques or training method employed, neither is any specific reference made to pencak or silat. It seems possible that techniques that later came to be identified as pencak silat were but one aspect of a broader course of military training. The sheer scale of warfare would have meant that the hand-to-hand combat techniques and emphasis upon individual rather than collective strategy found in pencak silat would have been not sufficient in itself.
Maryono asserts that at the beginning of the 17th century the decline in the political significance of the royal palaces forced many pencak silat masters, formerly employed as professional warriors for the courts or as instructors for the royal family, to “return to their kampung” where they began disseminating their knowledge to the local population.  It seems likely that martial arts belonging to the courts would have been a tightly guarded secret. The assumption however that pencak silat was primarily refined within the confines of the palace environment of the Hindu-Buddhist kingdoms of Java and Sumatra suggests particular ‘imaginings‘ of the past. A frequently cited example of the sophistication of pencak silat techniques was the defeat of Kublai Khan‘s forces by the army of the Singosari kingdom in 1291. The kingdom of Majapahit has had a special place in contemporary imaginings of the evolution of nationhood, being emblemised as a prototype of the Indonesian state. Like other manifestations of ‘national culture‘ (Ind: kebudayaan nasional) in contemporary Indonesia, pencak silat has come to be identified with the ‘high culture‘ of the royal courts, rather than as a product of ‘peoples culture‘ (Ind: kebudayaan rakyat).  According to material produced by IPSI a reference to the pencak silat related practice of kanuragan was made as early as 450 BC in a stone inscription from the Vishnu Tarumanegara kingdom of West Java.  Praising the kingdom‘s ruler, Sri Purnawaman, it reads, “… his feet were capable of crushing and destroying the cities of his enemies…”.  Whether this metaphor of power is related to an actual practice is unclear, and once again it seems an example of the link made between political power and martial skill.
A more specific reference to pencak is found in the Kedukan Bukit and Talang Tuo inscriptions in South Sumatera that have been dated to the 7th century.  One sentence reads “mamancak yam praja ini”, the word mancak being the word for pencak in Palembang and Bali. Martial prowess was not so much the preserve of power as a means to it. It seems highly likely, as Maryono suggests, that the courts employed those skilled in martial arts. Yet the prevalence of banditry as well as peasant based millenarian movements and other types of popular rebellion throughout the 17th and 18th century shows that the possession of highly developed martial skills was not restricted to those within the royal courts. Onghokham points out that invulnerability constituted a counter elite value, contrasting with the quality of divine providence (Jv: wahyu) that was so important to aristocratic leadership.  It was available to anyone with sufficient resolve and discipline to perform the ascetic and meditative practices required to obtain it.
What seems most likely from the fragments of history, oral tradition and myth is that pencak silat developed through a number of separate but interrelated spheres. Perhaps of most significance were the networks of traditional institutions known as asrama, pesantren or parguron, some possibly predating the earliest kingdoms of Java. During the period of the Hindu-Buddhist kingdoms areas under the control of religious authorities were known as mandala.  The mandala were independent communities isolated from the centres of political power, often being situated in mountainous areas, dense forest, orother environments conducive to ascetic retreat.  Religious learning was not confined to the study of texts, ritual and meditation, but also incorporated physical exercises (Ind: olah tubuh). 
The body was not an impediment to self-realization, but provided the context and resources for ultimate self-transformation. Due to their remoteness in areas outside of the control of the kingdom‘s police, these communities also required some form of organized self-defence. The combination of a body-orientated religiosity and physical isolation was thus conducive to the development of a unique martial tradition. After the Islamization of Java the structure of the mandala and dharma continued on in the Islamic boarding schools (Ind: pesantren), that to this day still incorporate silat practice into the curriculum of religious learning. The network of religious communities extended throughout the archipelago, aiding in the diffusion of techniques from one area to another. As Anderson has noted, it has long been a pattern within Javanese (and Sundanese) society for a youth to seek tutelage under a guru as part of their apprenticeship into adulthood: “He might be a local djago- a practitioner of magical arts, an expert in pentjak (the Javanese art of self-defense), or an adept of the esoteric ngelmu kedotan (science of invulnerability)”. 
In Lombard‘s opinion the relationship between guru and student (Ind: murid, siswa) was fundamental, defining the period of Hindu-Buddhist kingdoms of Java.  The solid alliance between guru and murid was the foundation of social and political allegiances. When undergoing initiation the student would usually live with their guru, a tradition still continued to this day. When a particular guru attracted a large number of students they usually established a paguron. In exchange for imparting their knowledge, the murid often worked for the guru, tending their fields and caring for livestock.
Trade also played an important role in the acculturation of elements of foreign martial arts into local styles and the spread of techniques from one region to another. For example, according to Liem Yoe Kiong, Chinese martial arts (primarily southern styles such as Shaolin and Bhutong) spread widely throughout Java during the 18th-19th century via travelling traders from Shantung, known in rural Priangan as mindring.  Many of the first Chinese martial artists to arrive in Java were brought as security by the Chinese trading ships that travelled back and forth between mainland China and the large ports in Java at that time, such as Jayakarta (Jakarta) and Banten. On arriving in Java many of them accompanied their bosses selling and trading goods. To ensure their safety from attacks by robbers they passed on their martial knowledge to local coolies who carried their goods for them.  During the 18th century horse-trading was also a major forum through which Sumatran pencak silat techniques became acculturated into Sundanese penca tradition.
The influence of Chinese martial arts upon pencak silat is an issue with significant political implications in contemporary Indonesia. The elevation of pencak silat to the status of a ‘national sport‘, as an integral element of ‘national culture‘ has led to a downplaying of ‘foreign‘ influences. Yet there is significant historical evidence, especially in Jakarta and Banten, of cross-fertilization between silat and Chinese martial arts. A number of aliran and perguruan synthesize elements of both; Maccao, Mustika Kwitang, Beksi, and Rahmat. All of them however are considered to be ‘indigenous‘ pencak silat, the Chinese elements are subsumed by the local. Abdur Rauff, an elder of aliran Cikalong, openly admits to the influence of Chinese martial arts, such as the sparring method of bissau, in the Cikalong style. In his opinion the important issue was not the ethnic background of the martial art, but its effectiveness; “If it was practical and in accord with the logic of the body it was used, no matter where it came from”.  From Rauff‘s perspective the ‘logic of the body‘ represents a higher order, one that transcends ethnic, religious and cultural differences. The value of a technique or principle was to be found in practice, in encounters between bodies.
Within the oral traditions of silat in West Java it is interesting to note recurring references to Chinese martial arts experts. Accounts of ‘fight events‘, involving the founders of aliran such as Cimande, Penca Makao, Cikalong and Syahbandar, situate the Chinese martial artist as an aggressive outsider, challenging the honor of the local master.
In each case these accounts follow an almost identical pattern, with the foreign challenger testing local knowledge, and invariably losing. He then either becomes a student and converts to Islam, or is killed: an ominous metaphor for cultural assimilation and the dangers of resisting it. In the case of Mustika Kwitang the victorious local borrows and adapts techniques from the loser. As in most cases, these inevitably come to be considered as their own. Syncretism occurred within the framework of a clearly defined power relationship between dominant and minority ethnic groups. A little known but significant variation from this theme is that found in Penca Makao.  Here a pencak silat teacher, Ki Abu Arwanta from Pandeglang, Banten, got into an altercation with a Chinese man who was fishing without permission in Ki Abu‘s fishing pond. After a brief fight, Ki Abu accepted that he was out-skilled by his opponent, and became his student. Whilst Ki Abu was studying under the unnamed teacher, he secretly analyzed the respective strengths and weaknesses of the pencak silat that he learnt. Finally he felt that he had effectively combined the two. During training he tested the new method on his teacher, who was unable to counter his movements.
A similar pattern can be found in stories about Mama Kosim, the founder of aliran Syahbandar. According to one version recounted by Mohammad Rafijen  , whilst in Batavia Mama Kosim got into a fight with a “Chinesejago” who was an expert in kuntao. Mama Kosim attacked him with a relentless array of punches. The Chinese man was soon overwhelmed, and fell to the ground battered and bleeding. At that moment a Dutch officer intervened, asking “what‘s going on here?”. The Chinese man could neither speak Dutch nor Malay, so he resorted to his native language of Kun. “Pok-pok!!” he said, whilst demonstrating with his fist how Mama Kosim had beaten him. ‘Pok‘ is the Kun word for punch. On asking Mama Kosim why he was fighting he replied simply that “I was just playing” (Ind: “saya main aja”). Putting the two accounts together the Dutch officer said “so, you were main pok ?”. The assembled crowd quickly picked up on the officer‘s creative language, maenpo soon becoming synonymous with the brutal, punch-orientated fighting style of Mama Kosim, and in turn, the ‘indigenous‘ martial arts inWest Java. 
According to Ko Wakem many of the early Chinese migrants also worked as farmers, especially in Tangerang, Banten and Central Kalimantan, furthering the diffusion of Chinese martial arts amongst the local population.  Clans such as Wong and Chen, who originated from the south coast of mainland China, also brought with them their rural tradition of holding lion dance (Ind: barongsai) performances at the end of each harvest. This leads one to speculate regarding cross-fertilization between the barongan and singgaan traditions still found in these areas that also contains elements of pencak silat. In China the lion dance tradition was appropriated by the Ming dynasty, eventually becoming part of the training program of kung fu schools that served as recruiting grounds for the dynasty‘s army.  What emerges from these fragments of legend or oral history is an image of a cosmopolitan network of often semi-nomadic martial artists testing, sharing and refining their respective skills, often irrespective of cultural, ethnic and religious differences. Whilst there has clearly been a two way flow of influence between pencak silat and Chinese martial arts throughout the history of the archipelago, the changing social and political configuration of Indonesia during the last 40 years has led to a marked reluctance on the part of many pencak practitioners to recognize it. A number of contemporary pencak silat teachers openly refuse to accept ethnic Chinese as students. As one explained, “silat is indigenous culture (Ind: budaya pribumi), it‘s for real Indonesians. I‘m not prepared to accept the responsibility (of training Chinese) if later on there was a problem”.  At least some of the hostility by older generations towards kuntao and other Chinese martial arts could be due to the fact that it was taught to the Dutch army, however there were also pencak silat masters who sided with the colonial authorities.  My questions regarding the influence of Chinese martial arts were often met with a high degree of defensiveness and even irritation on the part of some of my informants. In part this can perhaps be explained by the extent to which IPSI‘s definition of pencak silat as purely ‘indigenous ethnic Malay culture (Ind: budaya rumpun Melayu), has been accepted in the silat community. For instance the current head of IPSI has said:
Amongst the Chinese there are those who have the opinion and make the claim that the self-defense systems found in Southeast Asia originate from China.... this opinion and claim is not entirely correct, and even appears quite arrogant. The reason for this is that every social group, wherever they may be, has their own system of self-defense for facing, preventing, warding off, and overcoming the various physical threats that they face. 
When examining the early history of pencak silat in the Indonesian archipelago, it needs to be understood in terms of its representation in the present. The re-framing of pencak silat as ‘purely indigenous‘ by IPSI largely reflects recent changes in cultural and political configuration of Indonesia, especially the New Order‘s project of constructing regional and national identity.
Aliran in West Java
In West Java there are approximately 20 styles (Ind: aliran), not including those that have come from other regions.  In the present, styles are rarely taught in a ‘pure‘ form, usually being mixed and combined with others. The most influential aliran in West Java have been Cimande, Cikalong, Syahbandar, and the sub-styles Kari and Madi. All of these styles were developed and spread during the last 200 years. Despite being identified with Sundanese tradition, only Cimande and Cikalong were developed by ethnic Sundanese, the others originating from West Sumatra and Batavia. Within Sundanese oral tradition there are a wealth of accounts regarding the history of the lives and exploits of the founders of these styles. Aside from examining the history and myth surrounding each style I will also examine the technical and philosophical aspects of each and the methods through which they are trained into the body.
His appearance was impressive, his body muscular, hard and broad chested, a sign of his ravery and limitless energy, only he was already advanced in years. His head was wrapped with a red cloth, and his black silk pants fluttered in the breeze. He showed great bravery and flexibility. And he danced joyfully. His movements were in harmony with the drum. His performance was long to be remembered. His step was light, as if his feet did not touch the ground. 
Taken from the Sundanese historical romance Pangeran Kornel written by Raden Memed Sastrahadiprawira, the paragraph above gives a vivid description of Abah Kahir (also known as Embah, Ayah or Eyang Kahir) the legendary founder of Cimande pencak silat. Of all the pencak silat styles in Indonesia, Cimande is perhaps the most influential and well known, and is considered to be one of the oldest. There are a variety of accounts of the life of Abah Kahir. These locate the beginnings of Cimande pencak silat, its source of inspiration, and outline its lineage. According to one account popular within the pencak silat community in Banten, Abah Kahir was a Badui, an ethnic group who populate the mountainous regions of south-west Banten. According to legend the Badui were descendants of the army (Ind: bala tentara) of Ratu Pucuk Umum, the last king of the Hindu Pajajaran kingdom, centered in the present day town of Bogor.  After Ratu Pucuk Umum surrendered to Muslim forces, led by Molana Yusup (ruler of Banten 1570-80) in 1579, a concession was made that his followers would be left in peace on the condition that they settled and remained in the area. 
The martial traditions of Pajajaran were preserved and passed on through the generations. In this account, Kahir, who was from the Cikeusik region of Badui land, was renowned as an expert in ulin Badui (Badui silat).  His reputation soon spread outside of Badui territory and several pencak silat experts came to test his skills. His challengers all died in the resulting fights. The spilling of blood on Badui ancestral land was a serious breach of customary law that could not go unpunished, so the tribal elders (Sd: puun) decided to banish Abah Kahir to the Cimande area west of Bogor. In order to avoid a repetition of such an incident it was agreed that the Badui would adopt a code of silence to outsiders regarding their martial arts, one that is said to stand until the present day. 
After leaving his homeland, Abah Kahir worked as a baggage carrier (Ind: tukang pikul) for a Chinese trader. The trader was a hard man, who also happened to have been trained in the Chinese martial art of kuntao. One day Kahir decided to take a rest. The trader was furious and ordered him to start work again immediately. The two began to argue and a fight soon broke out, resulting in the trader being killed. Coming to his senses, Kahir reflected that he had ‘forgotten himself‘ (Sd: main poho). It is from this event that the term maenpo was coined in reference to Sundanese pencak silat. Kahir was filled with regret at his lack of self-control, reflecting that he had killed his source of livelihood, and vowed that from then on he would only use his martial arts to serve humanity. As Wessing has noted, the Badui occupy an important symbolic position in wider Sundanese cultural discourse as a ‘compass‘ (Ind: pedoman) or indicator for proper observance and the continued practice of “pure” Sundanese customs.  Due to their self-imposed isolation from the modern world, and the minimal effect of the Islamization of the region upon them, the Badui have maintained some traditions no longer found in the rest of West Java and consequently considered to be more purely ‘authentic‘ (Ind: asli). In the same way the Pajajaran kingdom is frequently invoked as a symbol of ‘pure Sundaneseness‘. There is a belief that after death Sundanese become ‘residents of Pajajaran‘ in the form of tigers. 
Another common legend regarding Cimande‘s origins cites Abah Kahir‘s wife as the creator and first teacher of Cimande jurus: 
One-day Abah Kahir‘s wife was washing rice down by the river. She heard a loud commotion coming from a nearby clump of trees and looked up to see a monkey jumping around and screeching wildly in the branches. The cause of the monkey‘s frantic behavior was a large tiger that was circling around the base of the tree in which they was perched. In the commotion, one of the monkeys fell from the safety of the tree. The tiger immediately launched itself at the monkey, but it dodged its attack and bit it on the stomach. Over and over the tiger attacked the monkey but each time it managed to evade it. Ibu Kahir was so totally absorbed by this battle that she lost all track of time.
Returning home late she was met by her husband who was furious that his lunch had not been prepared. In his anger he went to strike his wife with a broom, who, remembering the monkey at the river, evaded his blow. Time and time again he tried to hit his wife, and each time she dodged and ducked to safety. Finally exhausted, Abah Kahir asked his wife where she had learnt these movements. She recounted the fight between the tiger and the monkey that she had seen by the river.
Abah Kahir studied these techniques from his wife, developing them into a system of self-defense that came to be known as Cimande.
Almost identical tales can be found for a number of other unrelated pencak silat styles such as one from Bawean Island (off the north coast of east Java), pointing to a common framework of thinking. In each case a women draws upon her observations and experience of nature to later defend herself against domestic violence. The defeated husband then systematizes these techniques into a style of pencak silat and is recognized as a guru. Maryono has noted that women often play a central creative role in pencak silat origin myths, despite the fact that pencak silat has traditionally been a male dominated practice and there have been only a handful of women masters.  The feminine element is related to intimacy with the natural world, whereas the male is the domain of ‘culture‘ and ‘civilization‘.
Another defining feature of pencak silat oral tradition is what Yus Rusyana, in his study of oral tradition in Sundanese pencak silat, refers to as “fight incidents” (Ind: peristiwa pertarungan).  Tales of fights are a central element in oral accounts of past masters. Aside from describing technical elements of a style they are also instructional, outlining the ethics and morals of combat. In any martial art success in combat is the bottom-line in terms of the value of a given style or technique. Hence accounts of fights authenticate the style by describing its effectiveness.
According to Tubagus Jamhari, a master of the perguruan Cimande Pajajaran, Abah Kahir created the jurus of Cimande after he performed night prayers (Ar: tahajud) and istikharah (to seek guidance from Allah when one is faced with a problem to which no solution is apparent).  He received inspiration to develop pencak silat movements based upon the Alif and Lam characters found in the Quran. Basing physical movements upon Arabic letters is common within pencak silat culture. In his study on Minangkabau pencak silat, Bart Barendregt describes how in silat training the Quran is associated directly with the human body.  From the perspective of Sufism the Quran expresses all the possible correspondences between the micro and the macrocosmos. This analogy is systematized in some styles, for example by limiting the number of jurus to 24, the number of letters in the Islamic testimony of faith (Ind: kalimah sahadah). The movements act as a mystical vocabulary. By moving in a manner that reflects the divine word, the silat practitioner becomes “like a pencil in the hand of God. He moves in accordance with ‘His Will‘”  . As one saying in Cimande goes, “it is ultimately only Allah who moves us” (Sd: usik malik anging Allah nu marengkeun). 
In the ethnographic present, the multitude of legends surrounding the figure of Abah Kahir act to both naturalize the style, either by attributing it to either natural phenomena or to divine inspiration. The influence of Cimande pencak silat in Java is extensive. The majority of perguruan found today trace some link, be it technical, philosophical or historical, to Cimande. It is almost mandatory for schools to pay some kind of symbolic homage to Cimande. The style is also recognized in West Sumatra as being one of the oldest, due in part to the fact that mande is the word for ‘mother‘ in Minangkabau language.
In Kampung Babakan Tarikolot in Cimande village, present day descendants of Abah Kahir closely guard the traditions. Here Cimande is still taught the way it has been since its inception, uninfluenced by other styles or modern innovations in pencak silat practice. According to informants there, Abah Kahir was not the creator of Cimande pencak silat, only the first teacher of it. A sacred genealogical chart (Sd: silsilah karomah) held by Ace Sutisna, the current head of the Family of Cimande Pencak Silat (Keluarga Besar Pencak Silat Cimande), and a descendent in Kampung Tarikolot in Cimande village, begins with Embah Buyut, literally ‘great grandfather‘ but more generally a Sundanese term of reference for a founding ancestor. It is not clear whether this is meant to refer to a particular individual or whether it is used as a general term for founding ancestors.
According to Pak Ace, “since long ago descendants of Cimande have used this name”. The silsilah lists seven generations, which at Pak Ace‘s estimation span a period of around 350 years. If Embah Buyut were a historical individual this would suggest that he lived between the mid-17th to 18th century. This fits with the period when Abah Kahir is reputed to have begun teaching, around 1760, making him a second-generation Cimande practitioner, and first generation teacher. Within each generation there are more than one teacher, however the official “representatives” (Ind: wakil) of each generation are as follows:
Embah Ace Naseha
Embah Haji Abdulshamad
Embah Haji Idris and Embah Haji Ajid
Embah Haji Zarqasih, Haji Niftah, Haji Gaos, Ace Sutisna (current)
The silsilah is incorporated into the structure of training in Cimande. At the beginning of a latihan an invocation-like prayer known as an amalan tasawal is often recited that combines sections of the al-Quran with a list of past teachers.  The prayer serves a dual purpose, it is a way of paying tribute as well as means of seeking the spiritual ‘blessings‘ (Ind: berkah) of past masters. The ‘paying of tribute‘ is an important aspect of silsilah, so it would be misleading to interpret them as purely genealogical descriptive terms. The invocation of their names both authenticates and blesses practices in the present. The graves of Embah Buyut and his son Embah Rangga are situated to the west of Kampung Tarikolot. Between the 12th and the 14th day of the Islamic month of Maulud the graves, along with those of Embah Ace Naseha and Abah Kahir, are visited by pilgrims, the majority of whom are Cimande locals or from the West Java pencak silat community. Many perform nightlong vigils at these graves in the hope that they may receive blessings. Abah Kahir was, according to Pak Ace, a simple farmer who spent his entire life living in the vicinity of Cimande. The black loose fitting calf length pants (Sd: sontog or pangsi) and loose long sleeved shirt (Ind: baju kampret) worn by Abah Kahir and other village men have become the standard uniform of pencak silat.
This story varies from those oral traditions maintained in Cianjur where it is believed that he was born in Kamurang village, in the sub-district of Mande, Cikalong Kulon, a part of the residency of Cianjur. In Cianjur tradition he is said to have made a living as a horse trader, often traveling to Batavia (Jakarta) and other parts of West Java. On his travels he often had difficulties with  wild animals such as tigers and jaguars as well as robbers. From these experiences Abah Kahir developed a system of self-defense. In Batavia he came into contact with martial artists from China and West Sumatra that helped him to refine his skills. After his martial ability came to the attention of Raden Aria Adipati Wiratanudatar VI, the Regent (Ind: Bupati) of Cianjur (1776 to 1813), he was employed as a pamuk, a Sundanese term for pencak masters employed by the aristocracy. From then on he is said to have taught pencak exclusively to local menak, including the Regent‘s children. This was even though he himself was a commoner (Sd: somah).  Abah Kahir had five sons, Endut, Otang, Komar, Oyot and Ocod who spread pencak silat Cimande from Bogor via Cianjur to Bandung and then throughout West Java.  Soon after Wiratanudatar died in 1813, Abah Kahir is said to have moved to Kampung Babakan Tarikolot, Cimande, where he stayed until his death in 1825.
Pak Ace downplays the fight events, referred to as “tough guy stories” (Ind: kisah jagoan), surrounding Abah Kahir as mere “fantasy” (Ind: khayalan). In his opinion they promote a negative image of Abah Kahir as someone who was aggressive, an image which conflicts with the defensive technical and philosophical foundation of the style. “They give a bad example as they always revolve around violent incidents, emphasizing arrogance and other ego related values, all of which are the antithesis of the values esteemed in Cimande pencak silat”.  In terms of its technique and philosophy Cimande is defensive and it is strictly forbidden for students to initiate an attack. As one practitioner explained it “what‘s the point of fighting? It‘s exhausting! If you can still run away, that‘s the best way!”.  Pak Ace dismissed the suggestion that Cimande techniques were based upon Alif and Lam saying that such an opinion could “irritate religious leaders”, and that pencak silat was an “physical” issue (Ar: dohir). Pencak silat is seen as being in accord with and supportive of religious teachings, but not a substitute to them. Students are required to be diligent in carrying out their religious obligations.
According to Pak Ace Cimande jurus are drawn from the practices of everyday life as found in a traditional Sundanese farming community: ploughing fields, carrying firewood, cutting grass, swatting a mosquito, sitting cross legged in the mosque after prayers. Just as natural phenomena are believed to reflect universal laws, so human culture also reflects universal generative principles. The ‘local genius‘ of Embah Buyut and Abah Kahir was their ability to systematize these movements into a form of self- defense (Ind: beladiri): “the ability to look after oneself (Ind: jagadiri) is given by God to every creature, whereas self-defense is a creation of humans, ordained by God”.  As the principles of Cimande techniques are contained within the practice of everyday life, “instinctively all people possess Cimande jurus...pencak silat is practiced by everyone even though they may not be aware of it themselves”.  The techniques of the body are specific to a particular place and time, however the logic of the body underlying them is universal. The names of some of the Cimande jurus reflect ‘natural‘ everyday body techniques as is illustrated by the Sundanese terms batekan (to withdraw one‘s hand when it is strained) and guaran (to open something and observe what‘s inside). 
Training in Cimande pencak traditionally consists of three stages. Before starting physical training a prospective student must first take an oath (Sd: taleq) and undergo a ritual initiation after which they are accepted as a member of the family of Cimande pencak silat. In the ritual initiation the student first recites the taleq before their teacher. This oath acts as both a ‘contract‘ between teacher and student, and as a guideline for appropriate behaviour:
You must venerate and be faithful towards Allah and His Prophets 
Do not disagree with your mother or father
Do not disagree with your guru or king
Do not gamble and steal
Do not be arrogant
Don‘t commit adultery
Don‘t lie or be deceptive
Do not get drunk or smoke opium
Do not kill or harm God‘s creations
Don‘t take without permission, or take without asking
Do not be envious and jealous
Do not avoid paying what you owe
You must be polite, humble, not greedy, and respect one another in the community of humankind
Studying Cimande is not for showing off, bragging or mischief, but for seeking peace in this world and the next.
After the oath has been taken the teacher squeezes beetle vine juice into the eyes of the student, an act known as dipeureuh. This is symbolic of the student‘s entry into a new world, and their commitment towards “seeing things clearly”.  The Sundanese word peureuh (to blink due to something in the eye) is interpreted as being a composite of peurih (smarting, painful) and peurah (ability, capable, influential). The student will pass through a period of physical pain (Sd: waktos peureuh) that will test their resolve and dedication. However once they have passed through the waktos peureuh they will have achieved an incredible ability (Sd: peurah).
The Cimande jurus consist of three parts; 33 jurus buang kelid, 17 jurus pepedangan and jurus tapak selancar. The jurus kelid contain the self-defence techniques of Cimande. The first three jurus are learnt in pairs whilst in a seated cross-legged position. According to Ace Sutisna this evolved from the practice of conducting training after prayers in the mosque, which is also why training is done in a sarong and black cap (peci). Seated in pairs, students practised the jurus buang kelid, alternately attacking and defending. From the fifth to the ninth jurus contact is made between the forearms of the training pair in order to condition them.  One Cimande student recounted how in his initial training he practiced until his forearms were badly bruised and swollen. During the night he suffered hot and cold flushes due to the pain. Early the next morning he began the same training again; “It hurt so much to the point that it didn‘t hurt any more…that tolerance to pain is now a part of me”  . After the student is proficient at the seated jurus and has strengthened the forearms, they begin practising the jurus in conjunction with step patterns. Again in pairs, one student attacks with a straightforward step, while the other defends themself using a three part step pattern known as lengkah tilu. After mastering the jurus buang kelid, the next stage of training is the jurus pepedangan. The pepedangan jurus are a simulation of combat with weapons. Sharp weapons are never used in training, the student instead using a bamboo pole of around 50-60cm in length against an imaginary opponent. The final stage of training is mastery of the aesthetic dimension of Cimande, contained in the jurus tapak selancar. As they are designed for public display, the tapak selancar movements are highly stylised, so that the martial applications are hidden to the uninitiated. The jurus are performed with musical accompaniment. This consists of two large and one small drum (Sd: kendang) that provide the tempo of the performance, a wooden trumpet that provides melody, as well as small gong (Sd: kempul). Within West Javanese pencak silat generally there are four major drum patterns that are used:
Tepak Dua: A slower beat in order to highlight the subtleties of the pencak silat movements performed.
Tepak Tilu: A medium paced tempo used to accompany faster movements.
Golempang: A more up beat tempo that accompanies fast combinations of movements by a single performer.
Pangdungdung: An even faster beat that accompanies an improvised mock fight between two performers. Rather than being followed by the performers, this drum pattern takes its cue from the movements themselves, hence the performers need to create a rhythmic pattern.
Hard Hands, Healing Hands
Apart from pencak silat, the village of Cimande also has a long tradition of healing broken bones. Cimande village‘s reputation for healing increased dramatically in the early 1970s. The increased importation of cheap motorbikes from Japan meant that many villagers were able to afford an “iron horse” (Ind: kuda besi).  The rise in motorbike ownership also led to a rise in serious road accidents.  The high price of hospital treatment forced many to turn to traditional healers. The tradition of healing in Cimande is inter-woven with pencak silat. Pak Ace says that the techniques used for massaging broken bones are drawn directly from the jurus of Cimande pencak silat. Training instills an understanding of human anatomy and a sensitivity towards “how the body works, as well as what hurts”.  Unlike conventional methods that seek to immobilize the damaged bone, it is vigorously massaged. After this usually excruciating painful experience, Cimande oil (Sd: balur Cimande) is applied, and then the limb is bandaged and splinted.
The specific ingredients of the oil and the process by which it is made are the possession of a number of families in Cimande including Ace Sutisna and Haji Gufron, and are a closely guarded secret. According to Haji Gufron, “the history of Cimande oil is that it was for treating the wounds or broken bones of students or opponents who suffered injuries in a fight”.  Popular legend has it that the oil can only be made one night a year on the 12th day of the month of Maulud. The two prime ingredients are earth and coconut oil. The earth is believed to be loose soil taken from the grave of Abah Kahir, the founder of pencak silat Cimande, which is situated in Kampung Sareal, Bogor. Likewise the coconuts are said to be taken from trees that grow near the grave. Another account is that one must find a tree facing east with only one green coconut on it. The coconuts are cooked, producing an oily residue known as minyak keletik burung. This is then mixed with white sugar cane as well as several other herbs, also a closely guarded secret. The special healing and strengthening qualities of the oil are then ‘activated‘ by the recital of mantra unique to the family concerned. According to Ace Sutisna, “the oil in itself is not unusual, it is the mantra that brings it to life”.  The oil absorbs easily into the skin and is believed to saturate the bones, strengthening them, and making the arms both resilient to blows and extremely slippery. The result is that the arms become impervious to pain, and it is believed that it becomes impossible for an opponent to grasp or hold them.
Unlike Cimande, which was developed and grew amongst the peasantry, Cikalong was created and developed within the confines of the menak of Cianjur. Cikalong borrowed from and synthesized elements of Kari, Madi and Cimande into a new unique system of pencak silat. The history of pencak silat in Cianjur is, in comparison with other areas, well documented, mainly due to the fact that the menak kept written records and silsilah, while also maintaining a rich and detailed oral tradition.
Cikalong was first created and taught by Raden Jayaperbata, who after performing a pilgrimage to Mecca changed his name to Raden Haji Ibrahim. Haji Ibrahim was the son of Raden Rajadireja, tracing a line of descent through the regents of Cianjur back to Prabu Siliwangi.  He first studied pencak silat from his brother in law Raden Ateng Alimuddin, a horse trader from Jatinegara, Jakarta, and a descendent of the Sultan of Banten, Maulana Hasunudin. Ateng was a master of the Kampung Baru style of Cimande. He worked closely with the colonial authorities, helping them to quash a short-lived war between Chinese and Sundanese in Karawang, to the southeast of Batavia and capture Bapak Beka, a notorious bandit.  On the instruction of his brother in law, Haji Ibrahim then went and studied with Bang Ma‘ruf, a pencak silat master from Kampung Karet, Tanah Abang, Batavia.
As a horse trader himself, Haji Ibrahim often traveled back and forth between Batavia and Cianjur. Whilst studying with Bang Ma‘ruf he happened to meet his neighbour, Bang Madi, who was also horse trader from Pagarruyung, West Sumatra. From that moment on, without the knowledge of Bang Ma‘ruf, Haji Ibrahim began studying silat under Bang Madi. As a member of the Cianjur aristocracy Haji Ibrahim was capable of paying for Bang Madi to come to Cianjur and teach silat. There all his everyday needs were taken care of. From Bang Madi Haji Ibrahim obtained ngelmu permainan rasa, a degree of sensitivity to movement that when developed resulted in the ability to read an opponent‘s movements on touch and immediately counter them.
Bang Madi was renowned for his mastery of the technique known as bendungan, which involved withstanding an opponents blows and then ‘overtaking power with power‘. In Cikalong circles this technique is referred to as puhu tanaga or puhu gerak.
One account of the meeting between the two goes as follows: 
“At one time, R.H Ibrahim was practising pencak with Bang Ma‘rup late at night. After finishing and having a drink R.H Ibrahim said, “Bang Ma‘rup, I want to ask you who was that person watching us while we were practising?”.
Bang Ma‘rup: “That was Madi, the horse trader who lives next to me. He lives alone and makes a living selling horses”.
R.H. Ibrahim: “If that‘s the case I want to meet him, because I‘m sure he will be able to help me find horses in Jakarta”
Bang Ma‘rup: “Ok prince, tomorrow you can go to his house. He is a nice man”.
After morning prayers R.H. Ibrahim went alone to his home, walking around it.
When he reached the back of the house he saw two fine horses and became engrossed examining them. At that moment Bang Madi emerged from his house and approached R.H. Ibrahim, saying, “honorable prince, please come in so we can talk about horses”.
R.H. Ibrahim: “Thank you. I am very impressed with your horses. How much would you sell them to me for?”.
Bang Madi: “Please sit down first prince. There is some warm coffee. Please have a drink”.
R.H. Ibrahim gladly accepted Bang Madi‘s offer, the two sitting down together and drinking coffee.
Bang Madi: “Last night I saw the honorable prince practising pencak with Bang Ma‘rup. Your silat was excellent and nearly too good for Bang Ma‘rup”.
On hearing the term ‘silat‘, R.H. Ibrahim gazed intently at Bang Madi and asked, “Do you know silat?”.
Bang Madi answered, “Oh no your honorable prince, I‘ve never studied it”
R.H. Ibrahim: “Where do you originally come from?”.
Bang Madi: “Actually I am from Betawi”
R.H. Ibrahim: “I find it hard to believe that you don‘t know silat. Try placing
your hands on mine. Don‘t be scared, I won‘t hurt you”.
Bang Madi: “Really, I can‘t. I‘m afraid of your abilities”.
R.H. Ibrahim still didn‘t believe that Bang Madi had no knowledge of silat, so he pressured him again to ‘join hands‘ (Ind: bersambung tangan). Bang Madi
finally gave in to R.H. Ibrahim, saying, “Ok prince, if you insist. But please excuse me, I must go inside first”.
In a matter of seconds Bang Madi emerged from his house saying “Excuse me prince, but who will take stance first?”.
R.H. Ibrahim requested that Bang Madi take stance first. Bang Madi adopted an impressive horse stance, saying, “Prince, this is the Panther Descends from the Mountain stance”.
In an instant, Bang Madi‘s stance was ‘welcomed‘ by R.H. Ibrahim, but just asquickly Bang Madi deflected R.H. Ibrahim‘s attack, sending him flying to the ground.
R.H. Ibrahim was startled, not suspecting that he would be so ungraciously thrown to the floor. He got to his feet and said, ‘Let‘s try one more time. Now I will take a stance”. R.H. Ibrahim‘s stance was instantly ‘met‘ by Bang Madi, resulting in him once more being thrown to the ground. Time and time again
R.H. Ibrahim was ‘played with‘ by Bang Madi until he had no energy left. “On this day I accept defeat and recognize you as my teacher” said R. H. Ibrahim.
“But please don‘t ever mention this to Bang Ma‘ruf”. He added, “I will buy all of your horses and pay what ever you ask for them. Early tomorrow morning bring them and I will pay you. Then I will sell them again”.
After they had agreed, R. H. Ibrahim returned to Bang Ma‘rup‘s house. He thought to himself, “Bang Ma‘rup stares but doesn‘t see. How could he not know that Bang Madi was such a master of pencak?”.
After Bang Madi considered Haji Ibrahim to have mastered his silat, he recommended that he meet with a silat master from Kampung Benteng, Tangerang, known as Bang Kari. Before being accepted as a student Haji Ibrahim‘s skills were tested by Bang Kari, from which he concluded that Haji Ibrahim was a gifted student. From Bang Kari he learnt ulin peupeuhan, techniques that focused upon speed and explosive power.
The dialogue between Bang Madi and Haji Ibrahim illustrates an archetypal pattern of apprenticeship within pencak silat. An advanced practitioner challenges a seemingly unskilled opponent, who in turn defeats them. Accepting defeat they ask and are accepted as a pupil. The true mastery of the guru is that they do not ‘display‘ their abilities, and only reveal their skill when forced. This is often referred to as the “science of rice” (Ind: ilmu padi). Just as rice stalks bend further towards the earth with increasing maturity, so a pencak silat master becomes more humble the more knowledge that they possess. As one current teacher states, “the mark of a true pendekar is that when asked they will deny having any knowledge of pencak silat”.  This being the case, a true pendekar would never use their knowledge for obtaining material gain or political power.
Apart from these three masters Haji Ibrahim is reputed to have studied with between 17 to 40 other silat guru. The fact that they are not listed in any documented silsilah suggests that their influence upon Haji Ibrahim was minimal. After completing his studies Haji Ibrahim performed frequent retreats (Ar: khalwat) in a cave situated in Kampung Jelebud on the banks of the Cikundul Leutik river in Cikalong Kulon, Cianjur.
From this three year long period of meditative retreat Haji Ibrahim received the inspiration through which he created a synthesis of all that he had learned. The resulting style came to be known as “aliran Cikalong”, the name taken from the village in Cianjur where he lived when he created and first taught it.
From the beginnings of this aliran up until the present a standardized form has never emerged. All of Haji Ibrahim‘s students had different abilities and repertoires of movements, perhaps due to his method of teaching, which was adapted in accord with the physical attributes, aptitude, likes and dislikes of those he taught. Some students became renowned for their expertise ‘play of punches‘ (Sd: ameng peupeuhan) others for ulin rasa or ulin tempelan (‘play of sensitivity‘) as well as usik tungtung, techniques involving counter attacks after an opponent has been exhausted, and ulin puhu, intuiting and proceeding an opponent‘s moves. During its early history aliran Cikalong was the preserve of a select few. This was due to the fact that Haji Ibrahim was extremely selective in choosing his students, partly due to his concern that his knowledge may fall into the wrong hands, which was considered far more likely to occur outside of the immediate family. Also the culture of the aristocracy, one that was obsessed with maintaining ‘face‘ as well as defending symbolic cultural boundaries between themselves and common people (Sd: somah), meant that Cikalong was largely taught within family circles. The various prohibitions that regulated social interaction between menak and somah, such as the performance of prostration (Sd: sembah) and gengsor (to walk in a squatting position) when in the presence of menak would have made the physically intimate context of training almost impossible.  To train a commoner would mean to break with the conventions of his social class. Sembah for example, was required to be performed whenever a commoner touched, spoke to, sat before, or passed by a menak.  Nina Lubis, in her study of the culture of the Priangan menak, states that the relationship between the two was that of “the powerful” (Sd: anu kawasa) and “the powerless” (Sd: anu teu kawasa).  The Regent and his relatives were considered with the same reverence as a king, a perception that persisted despite Dutch efforts to marginalize their authority. Haji Ibrahim‘s teachers were either relatives, or in the case of Bang Kari and Bang Madi, non-Sundanese. Hence they were not bound by the constraints placed on interaction between different social classes within Sundanese society.
Due to his economic standing Haji Ibrahim did not rely upon his students financially and hence had no desire to increase their number. Another determining factor for the small numbers of students was that it was essential for them to touch (Sd: napal) hands with the guru. The focus upon feeling (Ind: rasa) in Cikalong was trained through the practice known as tapalan or napal:
Napal is a form of close-range fighting without punches, involving breaks (rerikesan), pushes (susungan) and locks (lipatan). Its core element is the processing of energy. Where do we focus our energy if, for example, an opponent pushes us? The force of our opponent is redirected, as if we were catching a fish. If we truly understand napal then we know how refinement can overcome brute strength. It is a matter of understanding where energy is focused, and how to refocus it. We overcome the opponent by closing off their means of attack. In Madi this is referred to as numpang kalawan. Really napal can only be felt, and not described. For that reason it takes a long time to master. 
Through this ‘hands on‘ method the guru was also able to gauge the sensitivity of a student. As the practice required a one on one method the number of students who could study under a particular guru at any one time was limited. Amengan tapalan developed into a favorite pastime amongst the Cianjur aristocracy with its own particular set of rules. The aim of the practice was to develop the sensitivity of the hands and forearms to the point that they could ‘see‘ an opponents moves without the aid of the physical eyes. Advanced practitioners used blindfolds. The importance placed upon physical sensitivity meant that Cikalong practitioners, in contrast to those of Cimande, avoided receiving blows to the arms, as it was feared that this may dull or kill nerves. Techniques that were developed via this practice included drops (Sd: labuhan), breaks (Sd: rikesan) and locks (Sd: lipatan). Haji Ibrahim‘s ‘refinement‘ of the various techniques he had learnt from Abang Madi, Abang Kari and Rd. Ateng Alimudin was one based in the habitus of the aristocracy. Pencak silat created and practised by commoners (Sunda: somah) was refined in line with a particular technical rationale based in practice, yet this rationale was not in conflict with the physical ‘dispositions‘ of his social class. For example the absence of kicks and the use of a seser or sliding step pattern is explained by the strategic rationale that when a person lifted their leg off the ground they put themselves in a state of imbalance. Yet it was also true that the tightly wrapped knee length batik cloth that was customary attire for both male and female menak of Cianjur would have made kicks or lifting steps extremely difficult. 
After Haji Ibrahim‘s death three main schools of Cikalong developed in Cianjur; Bojong Herang, Pasar Baru and Kaum, led respectively by Raden Haji Abdullah, Raden Muhidin, and Raden Ibrahim Obing.  Despite their similarities, tensions did arise between them. Younger students made a pastime out of trying out those from other schools, and vicious rumors were spread. Around the same time (in the late 1920s to early 1930‘s) Cikalong first began to be taught to those outside of the Cianjur aristocracy. It soon spread to Bandung, Garut, Tasikmalaya, Sukabumi and Jakarta.
In the tea plantations surrounding Mt. Galungung, Tasikmalaya, locals believe in the existence of Onom, a type of malevolent female spirit with prowess in silat Cikalong. The term Onom is of an adaptation of the Sundanese word anom which means “young wife”. According to local belief the spirits of the numerous concubines (Sd: anom selir) that Rd. Hj. Ibrahim was reputed to have had, inhabit the area, attacking any unwary man who disturbs them. Their anger is believed to be due to the fact that the inheritors of silat Cikalong do not appopriately recognize their descendants. 
Olah Rasa: Processing Feeling
It is interesting to note within Cikalong history the frequently recurring motif of the touching, laying on, or rubbing of hands as a means by which one‘s pencak skills can be ‘sensed‘. Touch replaces sight as the main sense through which martial prowess is assessed. Within Cikalong there are distinct levels of rasa that correspond to an increase in sensory and extra-sensory perception which are the product (Sd: tapak; literally meaning foot or hand print) of physical training. This tapak is the “outcome of internalizing the jurus, but is not bound by them. It manifests as reflex, sensitivity and creativity”. 
The first type of rasa is the physical sense of touch (Sd: rasa antel) that is developed via napal. The second level of rasa manifests in the ability to sense someone‘s intentions and abilities at a distance, without any physical contact (Sd: rasa anggang). This involves developing one‘s powers of observation. Over time, this sensitivity and ability to read opponent‘s movements can evolve into intuitive powers and presentiment, known as rasa sinar. The process of developing rasa is an ongoing one, the practitioner constantly striving to discover “the feeling within feeling” (Sd: rasa sajeroning rasa). 
Cikalong training begins with the rote learning of forms that are performed until the guru considers the student to have sufficiently ‘internalized‘ them. At this stage the stress is upon correct form and posture, and the student is forbidden to improvise in any way or reflect upon the possible martial applications of the jurus. As Abdur Rauff, a sixth generation Cikalong practitioner puts it:
In order that our body, or parts of it, can perform precise movements by themselves in a positive reflexive manner (Sd: gerakan kalawan hideng ku sorangan) we must make a habit of training ourselves to carry out the basic teachings, which are usually referred to as ‘jurus‘, seriously and diligently to the point that movements that were initially performed consciously and under the control of the mind will eventually  become habit. They become movements that are reflexive without entering thought beforehand.
According to Rd. Harun Sirod, to successfully internalize jurus involves a reflexive mastery of their form, but also more importantly an embodying of the principles that are seen to underlie them. In essence, jurus are merely exercises for training the ability to ‘process‘ the energy of an opponents attack. In combat one cannot rely upon the rote repetition of pre-learned sequences. The practitioner must be in a state of awareness focused upon the moment, and able to adapt and apply these principles to the situation at hand (Sd: kondisi sanalika). The four elements crucial to a student‘s success are ‘correctness‘ (Ind: benar), ‘substance‘ (Ind: berbobot), “refinement” (Sd: halus), and ‘meaning‘ (Sd: harti). 
Despite the diversity of Cikalong several characteristic elements of its practice can be found. One is the use of a ‘close range‘ fighting method, with a distance of less than one arm‘s length from the opponent. As much as possible the Cikalong practitioner attempts to maintain physical contact with the opponent (Ind: tapal) at all times. Tapal helps the practitioner develop an intuitive understanding of the physics of movement. Through contact the practitioner attempts to guide and redirect the force of an opponent‘s attack.
Another is the focus upon the development and application of a high level of physical sensitivity (Ind: rasa). Via this sensitivity, developed primarily through the practice of tapal, the Cikalong practitioner is able to read and determine opponent‘s moves, and the appropriate use of force/energy required to counter them. According to Harun Sirod it is important not to anticipate, but rather “feel” an opponent‘s movement as it emerges, for “anticipation can be wrong whereas feeling is always accurate”.  To avoid anticipating, the Cikalong practitioner must maintain a calm demeanor, as anger or fear result in a tensing of the muscles that dulls sensitivity. Contests of strength (Sd: adu tanaga) are avoided, the Cikalong practitioner instead attempting to “throw away” (Ind: buang) an opponent‘s energy and use it to their own advantage (Sd: siasat merean): “the principle of the use of force (in Cikalong) is to be economical and efficient, as such contests of strength must be avoided except in certain circumstances such as in “fishing” techniques (Ind: pancingan) and bendungan”. 
In practice this involves redirecting the force of an opponent‘s attack so that they lose balance, employing techniques such as “light on one side” (Sd:hampang sabeulah). This is followed up by repetitive strikes, such as short twisting punches. After each strike the attacking part of the body is not pulled back but rather directed to the parts of the opponent‘s anatomy that are “empty” (Sd: balik ka saasalna kalawan make tanaga kosong). Contests of strength occur when a practitioner holds on to their opponent forcefully, hence Cikalong favors a light, loose grasp. When force is applied in a particular direction, for example when an opponent pushes with the right side of their body, the Cikalong practitioner gives way, attacking the “empty” side (in this case the left side). This principle is known as “force resists, empty force” (Ind: tenaga melawan hampa tenaga).  Like rasa, three types of “force” (Sd: tanaga) are identified within Cikalong; “rough force” (Sd: tanaga kasar), “middle force” (Sd: tanaga satengah) and refined force known as “empty force but with content” (Sd: tanaga kosong tapi ngeusi).
The ultimate goal of training is to develop and employ this refined force:
The essence of Cikalong pencak silat is to defeat/disable an opponent without relying upon physical strength, but rather by using a specific set of fighting techniques and skills. Hence what is required in Cikalong is not great strength but rather technical precision, flexibility, as well as a precise application of energy in movement combined with refined senses, fast and positive reactions and an efficient application of force. 
In Cikalong there is an overwhelming focus upon hand and arm techniques. Hand and arm attacks are usually in the form of punches (Sd: peupeuhan), elbows (Sd: sikutan), open palm strikes and ‘drops‘ (Sd: labuhan). The principle of strikes is that the hard strikes the soft (ie. a clenched fist punch for fleshy areas of the body), and the soft strikes the hard (ie. open palm strikes to bones).  The primary target of strikes is nerve points and parts of the body not protected by bone. Offensive techniques involving the legs are confined to frontal snap kicks and sweeps, and are only used when an opponents hands are fully “controlled” by the practitioner. Into the present day Cikalong has continued to place an emphasis upon self-defense. It has not been adapted into a ‘sport‘, as this would alter its most basic principles; the processing of an opponent‘s energy via the use of refined force and feeling.
At the same time that Haji Ibrahim was teaching aliran Cikalong another silat master named Muhammad Kosim (1776-1880), who lived in Kampung Syahbandar, Cianjur, was also instructing several Cianjur aristocrats, a number of whom were also students of Haji Ibrahim, including Raden Haji Enoh. As a result the two styles, Cikalong and Syahbandar, were melded by subsequent generations of Cikalong masters, most notably Raden Haji Enoh. Haji Ibrahim never studied under Muhammad Kosim, but there is an oral tradition recounting that the two met and fought in the town of Purwakarta.
According to Yosis Siswoyo, the guru of the Bandar Karima pencak silat school,  Mama Kosim was expelled from his home in Pagarruyung, West Sumatra, after he taught silat marga (clan silat) to those outside of his own family.  One description of him reads as follows:
Regarding the physique of Mama Sabandar, he was tall, with large hands, a broad muscular chest and possessed exceptional strength. He had a patient nature, was compassionate towards his students and unwavering when facing a dangerous opponent. His possession of great knowledge showed that he used pencak with a purity of heart. On the other hand, of those who used pencak on him in a deceptive manner, many of them suffered as a result of their own actions. 
He traveled widely, eventually arriving in Cianjur where he met with students of Haji Ibrahim. Ibrahim‘s students, as members of the local aristocracy, had their own coconut plantation in Syahbandar village. On Sundays they would have a picnic at the plantation and train maenpo as well. As Mama Kosim was a stranger in the area they invited him to join them. After watching Ibrahim‘s students train several times Mama Kosim was eventually asked to join in, which he did. However he did not let on that he was already an accomplished silat expert himself, on the contrary he deliberately ‘acted dumb‘.
Ibrahim‘s students soon became impatient with their apparently stupid training partner. Tempers flared at his inability to perform even the simplest of movements, to the point that one of Ibrahim‘s students attacked Mama Kosim. At that moment Mama Kosim‘s reflexes took over and he skillfully avoided and deflected the numerous attacks launched at him. It was then that his secret was revealed, that he was indeed a silat master in his own right. From then on Ibrahim‘s students, without the knowledge of their teacher, began to study under Mama Kosim. It didn‘t take long however for Haji Ibrahim to ‘feel‘ that something was going on. He sent some of his other students to spy on the Sunday picnickers and they confirmed his suspicions, that they were studying with another teacher. Haji Ibrahim confronted Mama Kosim and a fight erupted.  However due to their respective skills it ended in a draw. A truce was soon called, with each recognizing the ability of the other:
On making contact with Raden Ibrahim‘s arm, Mam Sabandar was surprised by the amount of ‘intention‘ he could sense in them. So was the case with Raden Ibrahim, who could feel from Mama Sabandar‘s arms that he had incredible skill. “Whoever moves first will certainly be injured” said Raden Ibrahim. Consequently the two experts waited, neither wanting to initiate an attack. After around a minute of tense waiting Mama Sabandar spoke; “Raden this is enough, your knowledge is great”. On hearing his words, Raden Ibrahim withdrew his hands, relieved that there hadn‘t been an incident. 
From that point two streams of aliran Cikalong emerged, one which incorporated aliran Syahbandar and one which didn‘t. The former was spread via the first six students of Mama Kosim: Raden Natadipura, Raden Abdulrahman, Mama Haji Anda, Raden Haji Musa, Umar and Raden Haji Enoh.
In Cianjur Mama Kosim became a student of Ajengan Cirata, a sufi teacher (Ind: guru tarekat) from the Naqsyabandiyah order. At the time Naqsyabandiyah was experiencing a huge growth in popularity amongst local menak, a phenomenon which caused considerable anxiety for the Dutch colonial authorities.  Even the Regent of Cianjur, a relative of Haji Ibrahim, joined. Ajengan Cirata in turn became a student of Mama Kosim along with many other Islamic teachers in the region, facilitating the spread of Syahbandar through the extensive networks of tarekat and pesantren in the area.  When Ajengan Cirata moved to Purwakarta, Mama Kosim followed, remaining there until his death in 1880.
It is possible that, as was the case in West Sumatra, pencak silat training may have been used as a means of spreading tarekat teachings. This can be seen in Banten, where the teaching of pencak silat Syahbandar is closely intertwined with Sufi concepts. For example the first and last jurus consist of just one movement, interpreted as meaning that humanity comes from the One and returns to the One. Students must perform ritual ablutions (Ind: wudhu) before training which is done facing in the direction of Mecca, just as in the mandatory ritual prayers of Islam (Ind: shalat). The guru also gives students passages from the Quran (Ind: wirid) that must be recited internally in synchronicity with the movements. A link is made between physical movement and divine invocation.
Like Bang Kari and Bang Madi, Mama Kosim was not an ethnic Sundanese. Bang Kari and Mama Kosim are said to have come from the same village, however Bang Madi had left there for Batavia when Mama Kosim was still a young boy. It is recounted that after being expelled from his clan Mama Kosim got work as a sailor. In silat mythology Mama Kosim was reputed to be a tiger tamer (Ind: pawang macan). Legend recounts that he was called upon by the regent of Purwakarta to get rid of a tiger that had been creating a nuisance of itself in the area. He is also said to have tried his hand as a horse trader, without success.
Syahbandar techniques are described by practitioners as being “like a whip, it is soft and flexible but devastating”.  One of the defining features of Syahbandar is the focus upon soft (Sd: leuleus) movements. According to Mohammad Rafijen, the soft flowing movements are designed to encourage an opponent to attack, at which point the Syahbandar practitioner responds with a powerful counter-attack.  The ‘softness‘ of the style hides the power behind the movements, a strength through yielding.
The tradition of pencak silat within the aristocracy of Cianjur was well established one. The material resources available to them, as well as their position in the colonial administration meant that they were able to travel widely, providing them with the opportunity to study under a number of teachers. Many Cianjur regents made it compulsory for aristocrats working within the colonial administration to study pencak silat, along with the Quran and tembang (sung poetry). The network of practitioners expanded over time, and innovations were made as they distilled and refined their skills.
Many studied under a number of teachers, though usually still within the extended family. Whilst still grounded in Cikalong, a number of sub-aliran emerged. For example, in the village of Cikaret, Sukabumi Ajengan Sanusi developed the Cikaret system that blended elements of Cimande and Cikalong.
Another influential sub-style was Sanalika that was developed by Raden Utuk Sumadipraja. Utuk was born in Tarogong, Garut on 13 May 1897. His mother was the grand daughter of Ajengan Biru, the ulama of Tarogong, whilst his father was from Talaga, in the district of Kuningan. He established Sanalika in 1926. The style‘s motto was ‘If you come you will be provided for, if you go you will be given provisions, please go first but I will overtake you‘ (Ind: bila datang disediakan, bila pergi diberi bekal, silahkan lebih dahulu, nanti saya mendahului).
Utuk developed Sanalika from his experiences studying five different aliran: 
Aliran Jurus Tujuh. Utuk began studying this from Abah Nata when he was still in primary school in Garut.
Cimande. Utuk learnt this from Abah Endut, a student of Abah Kahir, whilst he was studying at OSVIA (school for the indigenous elite) in Bandung.
Kari. Taught to him by Raden Haji Tarimidi when he was the subdistrict head of Ciamis. Utuk brought Tarmidi from Cikalong to Ciamis, with the assistance of Raden idi Muhtadi (Gan Didi) as an intermediary. Utuk and Gan Didi had become friends at STOVIA.
Cikalong and Syahbandar. Again via the agency of Gan Didi, Utuk was introduced to Gan Obing, a student of Haji Ibrahim, in 1933. At the time Utuk was the sub-district head of Cipatat, Cianjur. In 1936 he worked as the district chief (Sd: wadana) of the Malingping district, Banten. Then he often met with Gan Obing, sometimes accompanying him on fishing trips to the ocean or nearby rivers that lasted for up to three months. During these extended fishing trips Gan Obing taught Utuk Cikalong and Syahbandar.
Utuk distilled and refined what he had learnt, developing a new system which he called Sanalika, meaning “in an instant”. In 1940 Utuk was appointed as the district chief of Cicurug, Sukabumi. The district bordered Cimande, giving Utuk the opportunity to meet with practitioners of the style. He soon developed a close friendship with Mama Haji Hisbullah, who was an elder of the Cimande pencak silat community. The two exchanged their respective knowledge of pencak silat. Haji Hisbullah sent many students to Utuk, resulting in Cikalong spreading throughout the region. One of Utuk‘s best students was Raden Ateng Karta. Apart from his studies with Utuk he had also studied with a number of other masters throughout West Java. From his collected knowledge, he developed five basic jurus and established the pencak silat perguruan Sanalika in Bandung. The Sanalika style developed by Ateng Karta is currently taught by Endang Suhendi in Bandung. During my fieldwork I studied the five Sanalika jurus with Endang. Training is done according to the traditions passed on to him by his teacher, including a ritual initiation:
As Pak Endang had requested at our previous meeting, I bought with me coconut oil, two chicken eggs and a lime. After accepting these objects We then moved to a small single room building adjacent to his home . On entering he locked the door behind us and drew the curtains. After a short prayer we began training. There was little warming up, and we started by doing repetitive practice of the first jurus. After half an hour of this, we moved on to the second and then the third jurus. After around two hours we ended the session as we had begun. In the weeks that followed Pak Endang taught me the remaining four jurus. After I became proficient in them he began to reveal some of their applications and the ways in which they could be combined  .
Utuk‘s friend Gan Didi had followed a similar path. As a young man he had studied pencak silat under Raden Bratadilaga (son of Haji Ibrahim) and Gan Obing. He was born in 1859 and died in 1942. Obing had been a prized student of Haji Ibrahim and inherited the name ‘Ibrahim‘ from him.  He had also studied under Mama Kosim.
Gan Didi had a great love for traditional karawitan music. After completing his study of Cikalong he focused his efforts upon melding karawitan with Cikalong movements. At that time ibingan penca already existed in the Priangan region and was mainly drawn from Cimande no one had created a Cikalong version. The movements employed in Gan Didi‘s ibingan were adapted directly from martial applications of Cikalong that consisted of offensive and defensive movement patterns. The resulting dance appeared like a fight between the performer and an imaginary opponent. Gan Didi‘s efforts were met with criticism from many Cikalong masters, who were of the opinion that ibingan was a deviation from established tradition. They were concerned that someone who had mastered ibingan would feel that they had full knowledge of the Cikalong system, when in reality they would only have the “flower” (Ind: bunga) but not the “fruit” (Ind: buah). Whilst Gan Didi was renowned as a teacher of ibingan he also taught self-defence to selected students. If a student expressed a desire to study the martial applications of Cikalong Gan Didi would first observe their ibingan skills. Often he would suggest that they study with another teacher. All of this was used as a test of the student‘s resolve, to see whether they were serious in their intention to study the buah of Cikalong. One of the few students to do so was Raden Harun Sirod. Raden Harun began his training at the age of Gan Didi established Paguron Pusaka Siliwangi in 1930. Students of Gan Didi still teaching include Ita Sasmita and Raden E. Harun.
Gan Didi taught 13 basic jurus as well as several step (langkah) patterns:
Utuk‘s son Raden Popo Sumadipraja was born in Bandung on 12 January 1919. Popo began learning pencak silat from his father at the age of 11. After finishing his schooling at the Hollandsch Inlandsche School in 1936, he accompanied his father in his travels throughout West Java teaching Sanalika. His father sent him to study pencak silat with Gan Obing Ibrahim in Cianjur. As Gan Obing was already advanced in years Popo was then sent to study with Gan Didi. After completing his studies with him Popo then went to study with Raden Idrus. He also travelled to Jakarta where he trained under Bang Mujeni. In his extensive travels throughout West Java Popo met with many pencak silat masters, often testing their skills via usik tempelan, that is correcting one another‘s technique.
Between 1942 and 1945 Popo worked as a plantation manager in Sukabumi. In 1952 he worked in the Livestock Bureau of Banjarmasin, Kalimantan. In 1954 he returned to West Java working for the Bandung Municipality until his retirement in 1955. In the same year, Popo, along with many other pencak masters collaborated with the military, acting as security for the Asia Africa conference, held in Bandung. The collaborative effort later resulted in the forming of the Gagak Lumayung pencak silat association, that was led by Lieutenant Zaenal Abidin.
The group divided the study of pencak into three levels:
Olah Raga, also referred to as Pakalah. (development of physical strength, speed and agility. Memorizing of jurus. Necessary physical foundation).
Olah Rasa, also referred to as Kaedah. (development of the reflexes. Sensitivity towards, and ability to read, an opponent‘s moves).
Olah Jiwa, also referred to as Kaidah. (“Mengenal yang Maha mengerak”. To know what “moves” us. Knowing God by knowing oneself. A refinement of the physical senses leading to an apprehension of the metaphysical). 
The three levels identified in Sanalika in many ways correspond with the three levels of rasa discussed earlier. Both point to the common understanding within Cianjur pencak silat that training the body is not an end in itself, but a foundation for developing heightened sensitivity that in turn can lead to spiritual awareness.
Whilst Cimande. Cikalong and Syahbandar remained the foundation for most of the pencak silat perguruan in West Java, another unique style of martial art developed independently of them. Whilst often considered not to be pencak silat, including by its own practitioners, Timbangan (“balance”) is an indigenous Sundanese martial art that has had a substantial impact upon the pencak silat community. In contrast to the aliran mentioned so far, Timbangan was developed by its founder, Raden Anggakusumah, a member of the Bandung aristocracy, as a solution to a philosophical dilemma framed within the political situation of the time. In the beginning of the 20th century Raden Anggakusumah was an active member of the political organisation the Islamic Union (Ind: Sarekat Islam). His outspokenness drew the attention of the Dutch colonial authorities resulting in his imprisonment in Banceuy prison in 1919.  In prison he had much time for reflection, as well as discussions with fellow dissidents. Anggakusumah recorded his thoughts in three books, titled ‘The Sharpening Stone of the Spirit‘ (Sd: Gurunda Alam Rohani Bojanji) that were written in Sundanese in the traditional poetic form of dangding. 
According to Anggakusumah, like all other aspects of life, movements also require balance. Simple acts such as walking, jumping and sitting could not be done unless one‘s body moved in a balanced way. This balance is acquired both consciously and unconsciously, in the same way that a baby learns to walk. Anggakusumah‘s own circumstances, as well as those of his fellow inmates, also showed to him that the weak often suffer at the hands of the strong, even though they are in the right. These two observations provided the impetus for Anggakusumah to create an embodied aspect to his philosophy of balance.  He soon had the opportunity to put it into practice. From Banceuy he was moved to the harsher environment of Sawahlunto prison in West Sumatra. Unlike Banceuy, Sawahlunto was populated with petty criminals, robbers and murderers. Whilst there, Anggakusumah was frequently attacked. In each instance he was able to subdue the attacker without causing them any physical injury and to make them aware of that in fact he had no ill will towards them. Anggakusumah was released from prison and returned to Bandung in 1923. In 1927 he began teaching Timbangan to the members of the pencak silat community such as Raden Ema Bratakusumah, Raden Memed and Gan Salim. 
The first stage of Timbangan training is to “face the enemy within oneself”, to perform jihad al-akbar (the great holy war) the continuous battle against the carnal soul (Ar: al-nafs).  The student is required to develop an awareness of the nature of their own existence. On this point, Anggakusumah differentiated between a ‘person‘ (Sd: jelema) and a ‘human‘ (Sd: manusa). A jelema possesses intellect (Ind: akal), however it is only when they use it towards performing good deeds that they can be considered a manusa. In order to develop an awareness of proper action, the initial stages of training involves question and answer type sessions between teacher and pupil. During training the teacher is able to assess the character and morality of the student. It is only after the teacher is satisfied that the physical dimension of training begins.
Similarities are often drawn between Timbangan and the Japanese martial art of Aikido. Like Timbangan, Aikido also is founded upon a philosophy of non-conflict. 
From the perspective of technique, neither claimed prior training or lineage to existing styles. Timbangan was an embodiment of Anggakusumah‘s existential philosophy, a method for ethical action in the world. There are no kicks, punches or other kinds of offensive strikes in Timbangan. Physical technique focuses upon processing and redirecting an opponent‘s force so that in effect, they defeat themselves. The deeper purpose was to make them aware of the futility of physical conflict. Hence the techniques were ultimately aimed at transforming the consciousness of the aggressor without inflicting physical injury.
As stated earlier, the historical aliran such as Cimande, Cikalong and Syahbandar still form the core of pencak silat teaching in much of West Java. One example of modern perguruan teaching a combination of the traditional aliran is maenpo peupeuhan. During the 70‘s in Bandung the renowned pendekar Adung Rais began to teach maenpo peupeuhan to the general public. Rais had been a student of Abah Salim, a master of Cikalong. According to Adung ‘maenpo‘ was an abbreviation of ‘to not have rhythm‘ (Sd: teu make tempo). What this meant was that maenpo peupeuhan was not bound to certain movement routines that were punctuated with breaks (in time). Previously its practice had been restricted to the aristocracy. According to Mohammad Rafijen this was due to the fact that “the really dangerous stuff” was taught only within closed circles whom the teacher trusted. The study of maenpo involved several rules (Sd: ugeran) that dissuaded many from studying it. The most important of these was teu numpangkeun rasa. This principle of ‘discarding ones feelings‘ meant that a student must eliminate from themselves any feelings of pity or compassion towards their opponent:
Teu numpangkeun rasa means there are no compromises. You can‘t give an opportunity to an opponent, nor feel compassion towards them regardless of whether they are a relative or a friend. Because the rule of a fight is that you must be cruel, you must be vicious. That is how you will win.
This has been the case since old times, not like now. If you studied maenpo you had to be prepared to damage your opponent.  This was bound with the Sundanese martial principle of ‘they have just gotten ready, we‘ve already finished‘ (Sd: batur arek kuring enggeus). In practice this translated as pre-empting an attack, and continuing until one‘s opponent was immobile. Any potential threat or challenge was initiated and finished as quickly as possible. Adung felt that the philosophy of teu numpankeun rasa alienated maenpo from broader acceptance. Many felt too unconfident (Sd: cangcaya) or hesitant (Sd: asa-asa) to study it as they were afraid of physical injury. According to his son Mohammad Rafijen, it also created the impression that pendekar were arrogant, whereas in reality “one who was powerful (Sd: linuwih) must keep a low profile”. 
In a further attempt to increase the popularity of maenpo Adung introduced the Cianjur musical tradition of kecapi suling. This was an innovation, as previously maenpo had only been performed with kendang penca. It received both positive and negative reactions in silat circles. The incentive to meld the two was a result of a desire to blend the ‘coarse‘ (Ind: kasar) with the ‘refined‘ (Ind: halus) and also perhaps due to the influence of Adung‘s wife who was a singer (Ind: pesinden) of Cianjuran. According to Rafijen tembang Cianjuran revolve around three themes: “the bravery of past Sundanese warriors” such as Prabu Siliwangi, the beauty of nature, and prayers of adoration to God.
Consequently the movements must reflect and express each theme. One must have mastered maenpo before attempting to move with the kecapi suling. Without having embodied the techniques, the results are bound to be stiff and disjointed. He also established the perguruan Babancong Siliwangi that aside from pencak silat also incorporated Sundanese arts such as reog, calung and Tembang Cianjuran. The group disbanded after his death.
Adung begun studying maenpo at the age of 19 from his father, Salim Ambarak. According to Adung maenpo began with three pendekar: H. Abdurachman, Bang Madi and Bang Kari. Bang Madi and Bang Kari were fierce rivals but two of their students, Salim Ambarak and Bah Oed were relatives. The two were also close friends with Mama Kosim. These three exchanged their knowledge, then Salim Ambarak passed it on to his son Adung Rais. Salim is also said to have learnt from from Wa Acep Tarmidi whose line of transmission began with Raden Haji Ibrahim, the founder of aliran Cikalong.
After six years of intensive practice Adung Rais mastered all the pencak silat passed on to him by his father and began to teach others. Adung Rais in turn taught his maenpo skills to his four sons, Ahmad Fajar, Mohammad Rafijen, Ahmad Guntina and Husen Rizal. He passed away in 1987 at the age of 52. His third son Mohammad Rafijen is now the official heir (Ind: pewaris) of maenpo peupeuhan. Rafijen, who was born in Bandung on 11 December 1964, began studying with his father at the age of nine. By the age of 11 he had mastered all of his father‘s maenpo. He was granted permission to teach at the age of 15, however at that point his father always accompanied him. In 1987 he became active in action films and television serials, acting in silat movies such as Kelabang Geni and Si Jampang Apsari. To date he has acted in 25 films. Since 1998 he has worked in the Market Department (Ind: Dinas Pasar) for the City of Bandung, though he spends most of his time teaching maenpo.
Training in maenpo peupeuhan begins with learning eleven basic jurus. According to Adung Rais the number eleven was of special significance as it consists of two number ones standing next to each other.  This was seen as symbolizing the balance required in pencak silat between the soft and the hard (Sd: leuleus jeung teuas) and the body and the soul. The body is also considered to have eleven parts that can be used as weapons.  After the eleven jurus have been adequately mastered by the student, they are combined, a process referred to as nyieun. In doing so the student learns how to improvise in preparation for free fighting (Sd: usik).
According to Rafijen, the relationship between guru and murid in maenpo peupeuhan is also marked by three distinct levels that correspond to increasing levels of technical difficulty in usik. The first is referred to as merian (‘to give‘). In contact sparring the guru gives the student the opportunity to attack, encouraging them to improvise. After merian the student progresses to the next level of dihurlinan (‘to be pushed‘). Whilst in the merian stage the guru gave the student an opening in which to attack, the guru now counters and upsets the student‘s movements. The purpose of this is top further develop their ability to improvise and launch effective offensive movements. The guru‘s movements are meant to be perceived as ‘questions‘, to which the student must find an adequate ‘answer‘. The third stage is that of diaduin (‘to fight‘). Whereas in the preceding stages the guru merely countered the student‘s movements, now he launches attacks himself. Both engage in frequent controlled fights. Over time it is hoped that the student will begin to feel the ‘spirit‘ of maenpo peupeuhan, which is expressed in the saying ‘a tiger descending from its place of origin‘ (Ind: macan turun dari udik).
In this chapter we have looked at the historical and mythical origins of pencak silat in Indonesia as well as the major styles in West Java. Created and developed between the late 17th and 19th century, Cimande, Cikalong and Syahbandar have come to be identified with ‘authentic‘ Sundanese pencak silat tradition. The styles have become a foundation and reference point upon which other styles and schools have reflected, reacted against, grown from and developed. The training regimes and body techniques found in Cimande, Cikalong and Syahbandar are rooted in the culture and environment in which they developed. For example Cimande pencak silat reflected the culture of the rural peasantry, whereas Cikalong is firmly rooted in the traditions and customs of the Sundanese aristocracy.
We notice through these examples that the process of learning, as well as the ‘origins of practice‘, have been inscribed by silat and tradition as being rooted in intuitive practices, often termed ‘olah rasa‘. These fragments, that record or reconstruct the ‘origins‘ of silat, generally attribute the ‘source‘ of practice to powers in nature or the supernatural that are beyond individual mastery of ‘technique‘, and in connection with forces beyond the individual body. They are transmitted via ‘charged‘ personal contact, not by mechanical technique. As we will see in the next chapter, new social and cultural conditions prompted some pencak silat practitioners to reflect upon and reassess the relevance of ‘traditional‘ techniques as they struggled to adapt to a changing environment.
 On banditry in Java, see Sartono Kartodirdjo, Modern Indonesia: Tradition and Transformation, Gadjah Mada University Press, Yogyakarta, 1991.
 Quoted in Nina Lubis, Kehidupan Kaum Menak Priangan 1800-1942, Pusat Informasi Kebudayaan Sunda, Bandung, 1998, pp. 63-64.
 Nina H. Lubis, Tradisi dan Transformasi Sejarah Sunda, Humaniora Utama Press, Bandung, 2000, pg.137.
 Ibid, pg. 137
 Ibid, pg. 64. The tradition of seeking kasaktian later evolved into the inner power (tenaga dalam) practices found throughout Indonesia today.
 Ibid, pg. 58.
 M. C. Ricklefs, War, Culture and Economy in Java 1677-1726: Asian and European Imperialsim in the early Kartasura period, Allen & Unwin, Sydney, 1993, pg. 13.
 Eric Hobsbawn, Bandits, Abacus, London, 2000, pg. 10.
 B.O‘G Anderson, Java In A Time of Revolution, pg. 8 fn.15
 R. Asikin, Pelajaran Pencak Silat, Penerbit Tarate, Bandung, 1983, pp. 9-10
 Donn F. Draeger, The Weapons and Fighting Arts of Indonesia, Charles E. Tuttle Company, Tokyo, 1972, pg. 23.
 Maryono, 1998, pp. 43-47
 Peter Britton, Profesionalisme dan Idoelogi Militer Indonesia, PT Pusaka LP3ES Indonesia, Jakarta, 1996, pg. 12.
 Like many contemporary pencak silat schools, the Indonesian military draws symbolic power from imaginings of the past glory of the Hindu-Buddhist kingdoms of Java.
 Soemarsaid Moertono, State and Statecraft in Old Java: A Study of the Later Mataram Period, 16th 19th Century, Cornell University Modern Indonesia Project Monograph Series, Ithaca, 1968, pg. 69.
 Th. Pigeaud, Java in the Fourteenth Century: A Study in Cultural History, Martinus Nijhoff, The Hague, 1960, Vol. 4, pg. 532.
 In B. Schrieke, Indonesian Sociological Studies. Selected Writings of B. Schrieke.Part Two: Ruler and Realm in Early Java , W. Van Hoege Publishing Ltd, The Hague, 1957, pg. 122.
 Maryono, 1998, pg.54.
 For an analysis of the discourse of ‘high‘ and ‘low‘ culture in contemporary Indonesia in relation to performing arts, see Ian Douglas Wilson, ‘The Politics of Possession: Community Arts in New Order Java‘, unpublished Honors thesis, Murdoch University, 1997.
 Kanuragan involves that acquisition of physical invulnerability and supernatural powers via a variety of physical excercises and ascetic practices. Traditionally it has been a component of pencak silat training.
 Pengurus Besar Ikatan Pencak Silat Indonesia, ‘Sejarah dan Organisasi Pencak Silat Indonesia‘, mimeograph, 1995, pg. 9. Another of the Sri Maharaja Purnawarman inscriptions reads, “…Sri Purnwarman, whose armour could not be pierced by the spears of his enemies, who always destroyed the cities of his enemies…”. See, Yoseph Iskandar, Sejarah Jawa Barat: Yuganing Rajakwasa, CV Geger Sunten, Bandung, 1997, pg. 51.
 Pengurus Besar Ikatan Pencak Silat Indonesia, ‘Latar Belakang Penyelenggaraan Festival Pencak Silat‘, material produced for the National Pencak Silat Congress, 16-18 September 1999. Jakarta.
 Onghokham, The Residency of Madiun: Prijayi and Peasants in the Nineteenth Century, Ph.D. thesis, Yale University, 1975, pp. 63-69.
 In West Java mandala were known as kabuyutan.
 Martin Van Bruinessen, Kitab Kuning, Pesantren dan Tarekat: Tradisi-Tradisi Islam di Indonesia, Penerbit Mizan, Bandung, 1999, pg. 24.
 Denys Lombard, Nusa Jawa: Silang Budaya, Kajian Sejarah Terpadu, Bagian III: Warisan Kerajaan-Kerajaan Konsentris, Gramedia Pustaka Utama, Jakarta, 1996, pg. 147.
 B.O‘G Anderson, Java in a Time of Revolution; Occupation and Resistance 1944-1946, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, 1972, cf. pg 86
 Denys Lombard, Nusa Jawa: Silang Budaya, Kajian Sejarah Terpadu, Bagian II: Jaringan Asia, Gramedia Pustaka Utama, Jakarta, 1996, pg. Pg. 131
 Liem Yoe Kiong, ‘Ilmu Silat: Sedjarah, Theorie dan Praktek, CV. Penjedar, Malang, 1960, pg.60. According to Ko Wakem, a kuntao (Chinese martial arts) master from Bandung, early migrants from Shantung in Southern China also influenced other Sundanese rural traditions such as the barongan and reog folk dances that were derived from the barongsai lion-dance. Interview with Ko Wakem, Bandung, 25/01/00.
 Epic battles between local and Chinese martial artists are a central element in pencak oral tradition in West Java.
 Interview with Abdur Rauff, 23/01/00, Cianjur. A list of the students of Raden Haji Ibrahim, the founder of aliran Cikalong, compiled from family records, shows several Chinese names, suggesting the possibility that there was a two way flow of influence between silat and kuntao. It also disproves the commonly held belief that Haji Ibrahim only taught Sundanese. It is also interesting to note that the ‘salam‘ used in Cikalong involves the right hand, held in a fist, pressed against the open palm of the left hand, identical to that used in traditional kungfu schools.
 A detailed account of Ulin Makao can be found in Rusyana, 1996, pp. 52-89. In Banten Ulin Makao is also known as Ulin Abu and Ulin Sawah. See also ‘Ulin Makao: Perpaduan Pencak Silat dengan Kung Fu‘, Jurus: Majalah Seni Beladiri, No. 6, 30 August 1999, pp. 22-24.
 Interview with Mohammad Rafijen, Bandung, 2/10/1999. His father, Adung Rais, the founder of MaenpoPeupeuhan, passed down this story to him.
 Other interpretations of the term maenpo include ‘maen arung teh mue tempo‘, to move without a tempo, and ‘maen papat‘, the play of four elements, these being wani (confident), teki-teki (cautious/attentive), aksi (authoritative) and harti (meaningful/with purpose). Recounted to Raden Harun, a pewaris of aliran Cikalong, by his teacher Raden Abad. Interview with Raden Harun, 22/01/00, Cianjur.
 A process reversed in 1959 with the implementation of Government Regulation 10/1959 that outlawed ethnic Chinese from conducting business in rural areas. The military commander of West Java at the time further interpreted this to mean that Chinese were forbidden from living outside of major urban centers, which he enforced. The result was huge repatriations, and an influx of Chinese into large cities, ending in racial riots in Cirebon, Sukabumi and Bandung in May 1963.
 Interview with Ko Wakem, 25/01/00, Bandung.
 Confidential interview, July 1999, Bandung.
 Many of these masters were Dutch-Indonesian, and moved to the Netherlands after the Japanese invasion in 1942. Some established schools there, such as Ratu Adil and Pukulan Betwai.
 M. Nalapraya,, ‘Memahami Pencak Silat Aset Budaya Bangsa‘, mimeograph, Jakarta, 1994.
 This includes Bandrong, Cigondewah, Cipecut, Cimacan, Cimande, Cikalong, Syahbandar, Kari, Madi, Cikaret, Timbangan, Terumbu, Jalakrawi, Sanalika, Tajimalela, Sera, Nampon, Sekaregang, Kuntulan, and Ulin Maccao. This list does not include styles from the Jakarta area.
 Sastrahadiprawira, R. Memed, Pangeran Kornel, Rahmat Cijulang, Bandung, 1986.
 The Badui people deny this and insist that they are the original inhabitants of the mountainous regions of Southern Banten. The term Badui itself is a derogatory one derived from ‘Bedouin‘, the nomadic desert peoples of Saudi Arabia. The Badui refer to themselves as Kanekes people (Sd: urang Kanekes). See Edi Ekadjati, Kebudayaan Sunda (Suatu Pendekatan Sejarah), Pustaka Jaya, Jakarta, 1995, pg. 53.
 Sunatra, Integrasi dan Konflik: Kedudukan Politik Jawara dan Ulama dalam Budaya Politik Lokal (Studi Kasus Kepemimpinan Informal Pedesaan Banten Selatan, Unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Universitas adjajaran, Bandung, 1997, pg. 133.
 Ulin literally means “play”, and is often used along with the more ‘refined‘ Sundanese word ameng.
 Ki Jalceu and Karim, both ethnic Badui, recounted this version to Gending Raspuzi. Interview with Gending Raspuzi, 02/07/99, Bandung.
 Wessing, Robert, ‘The Position of the Baduj in the Larger West Javanese Society‘, in MAN, 12 (2), pp. 293-303.
 Robert Wessing, The Soul of Ambiguity: The Tiger in Southeast Asia, Northern Illinois University Center
for Southeast Asian Studies, Monograph Series on Southeast Asia, Special Report No. 24, 1986, pg. 32.
 Bapak Holidin, a silat master from the Panglipur School, gave the following account. Interview with Bapak Holidin,13/04/99, Bandung.
 Maryono, 1998, pg. 35. Perhaps the most influential woman pendekar in modern times is Eny Rukmini Sekarningrat. She is the current head of the Panglipur pencak silat school, based in Garut, West Java. One consequence of the nationalization of pencak silat, that began in the 1940s, has been a huge increase in the numbers of women studying pencak silat. Training sessions in contemporary schools are still usually divided by gender, however in many instances women and men train and even spar with each other.
 Yus Rusyana, Tuturan Tentang Pencak Silat Dalam Tradisi Lisan Sunda, Yayasan Obor Indonesia, Jakarta, 1996, pg. 21-22.
 Agus Heryana, ‘Pencak Silat Aliran Cimande Di Jawa Barat‘, in Laporan Penelitian, Edition 9/XII/1995, Balai Kajian Sejarah dan Nilai Tradisional, Bandung, 1995-96, pp. 64-103.
 Barendregt, 1995. For example the al-Quran is thought to consist of 6666 lines whereas the body is thought to contain 6666 nerves and veins.
 Ibid pg. 128.
 Siti Maria Herliswanny, Apresiasi Generasi Muda Terhadap Pencak Silat Di Cimande, Direktorat Sejarah
dan Nilai Tradisional, Departmen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, Jakarta, 1996, pg. 53.
 In 1995 the amalan tasawul Cimande was published in a report compiled by researchers from the Indonesian Department of Education and Culture, one of whom was a Cimande student. This caused considerable consternation amongst elders in Cimande who considered it to be a secret revealed only to the initiated. For this reason, and on the request of Pak Ace Sutisna, I have not included a transcript of the amalan tasawul in this study.
 Another version is that he was born in Kampung Tarikolot, Cimande, and moved to Kamurang village in 1770 after marrying a women from Cianjur.
 Djonos Djadadinata, Sedjarah Keboedajaan Pentja, Pengharepan, Bandoeng, 1938
 Herliswanny, 1996, pg. 30.
 Interview with Ace Sutisna, 27/10/99, Cimande.
 ‘Jurus Lari Lebih Baik Ketimbang Harus Berkelahi‘, Suara Pembaruan, 30 May 1997.
 Interview with Ace Sutisna, 28/10/99, Cimande.
 Interview with Ace Sutisna, 29/10/99, Cimande.
 1.) Harus taat dan takwa kepada Allah dan Rasul-Nya 2.) Jangan melawan Ibu dan Bapak, 3.) Jangan melawan kepada guru dan ratu, 4.) Jangan judi dan mencuri, 5.) Jangan ria, takabur dan sombong, 6.) Jangan berbuat zina, 7.) Jangan bohong dan licik, 8.) Jangan mabuk-mabukan dan mengisap madat 9.) Jangan jahil, menganiaya sesama makhluk Tuhan, 10.) Jangan memetik tanpa izin, mengambil tanpa meminta, 11.) Jangan iri hati dan dengki, 12.) Jangan suka tidak membayar utang, 13.) Harus sopan santun, rendah hati, dan saling menhargai antara sesama manusia, 14.) Berguru Cimande bukan untuk gagah-gagahan, kesombongan dan ugal-ugalan, tetapi untuk mencapai keselamatan dunia dan akhirat. In Petunjuk Pembinaan Pencak Silat Cimande, unpublished ms., date unknown.
 Interview with Ace Sutisna, 27/10/99, Cimande.
 That is jurus timpah sabeulah, timpah serong, timpah dua beulah, teke tampa and teke purilit.
 Interview with Gending Raspuzi, 28/6/99, Bandung.
 ‘Klinik Patah Tulang: Berkah Masuknya Kuda Besi‘, Gatra, no 37/III, 2 August 1997.
 A boom in patients seeking treatment for road accidents occurs after every campaign period for general elections when youths on motorbikes participate in rowdy convoys. ‘Bengkel Penderita Patah Tulang Cimande‘, Suara Pembaruan, 30 May 1997.
 Interview with Ace Sutisna, Cimande, 27/10/99. Another example of healing broken bones and pencak silat is the family of Aki Bohon in Geger Kalong, Bandung. Aki Bohon was renowned as an expert in healing and pencak silat, being known as the ‘pendekar of North Bandung‘. According to his daughter, Aki Bohon achieved his gift at healing by fasting for one month and not drinking boiled water for 20 years. He passed on his knowledge of healing to his daughters, whereas his sons were taught pencak silat. Field notes, 28/6/99, Bandung.
 Suara Pembaruan, 30 May, 1997.
 Interview with Ace Sutisna, 28/10/99, Cimande.
 A genealogy of the regents of Cianjur can be found in Lubis, 1998, pg. 318.
 ‘Sajarah Penca Cikalong Nu Gumelar Di Tatar Sunda‘, unpublished document of Yayasan Daya Sunda, date unknown.
 The following is drawn primarily from an account by Raden Ibrahim Obing, Raden Busrin and Raden Apit given in 1920. See Yayasan daya Sunda, date unknown.
 Interview with Aam Santoso, Bandung, 17/03/99. This is also frequently stated to students as a reason for not instigating a fight, for it may turn out that one‘s opponent is in fact a master. Likewise a student should not show of what they have learnt to the public, for those who openly display their abilities to others are by definition not true pendekar.
 Nina Lubis describes the process of performing sembah as follows: “the two hands are placed together with the fingers touching except for the thumbs. The hands are then moved slowly until they touch the tip of the nose. The face is lifted slightly. There are also those who move their hands towards the chest, chin or head, but it is best to touch the tip of the nose. If one performs sembah the hands must be empty. It is more respectful to perform sembah whilst sitting rather than standing”. Lubis, 1998, pg. 173.
 Ibid, pp. 173-174.
 Ibid, pg. 121.
 Interview with Mohammad Rafijen, 2/10/99, Bandung.
 It is worth noting at this point that there is no evidence of Haji Ibrahim ever having any women students. Whilst lines of descent in Cikalong silsilah are often traced through a matrilineal line, it appears that pencak was only taught to male offspring.
 Yayasan Daya Sunda, date unknown.
 Interview with Bapak Holidin, 13/04/99, Bandung.
 Interview with Raden Harun Sirod, 1/11/99, Bandung.
 Abdur Rauff, Sedikit Perkenalan Dengan Kaedah-Kaedah Pokok Maen Po Cikalong, Tjikoendoel Paguron Maen Po Raden Hadji Ibrahim Djaja Perbata Tjikalong, Cikalong Kulon, 1975, pg. 20.
 The “play of four elements” (Sd: main papat) is interpreted as another meaning of maenpo. Interview
with Raden Harun Sirod, 20/02/00, Cianjur.
 Interview with Raden Harun Sirod, 20/02/00, Cianjur.
 Abdur Rauff, 1975, pg. 5
 Ibid, pg. 6.
 Ibid, pg. 5.
 Interview with Raden Harun Sirod, 1/11/99, Bandung.
 Interview with Yosis Siswoyo, 27/7/99, Bandung. Bandar Karima is an abbreviation of Syahbandar, Kari and Madi.
 Silat marga were styles taught only within the confines of a particular family. Teaching them to outsiders often meant excommunication from the clan. This tradition was strongest in Sumatra where to this day new students must be symbolically ‘adopted‘ by the guru as a nephew/niece (Ind: anak sasian).
 Yayasan Daya Sunda, ‘Sajarah Penca Cikalong Nu Gumelar Di Tatar Sunda‘, unpublished manuscript, date unknown.
 According to another version of this story, upon touching hands, Haji Ibrahim and Mama Kosim immediately apprehended the ability of the other.
 Yayasan Daya Sunda, ‘Sajarah Penca Cikalong Nu Gumelar Di Tatar Sunda‘, unpublished manuscript, date unknown..
 Martin van Bruinessen, Tarekat Naqsyabandiyah di Indonesia: Survei Geografis, Historis, dan SosiologisPenerbit Mizan, Bandung, 1998, pp. 23-26.
 ‘Kajian Perguruan: Aliran Pencak Silat Syahbandar‘, in Jurus: Majalah Seni Beladiri, No.10, 25 October 1999, pp. 5-9.
 Interview with Yosis Siswoyo, 27/7/99, Bandung.
 Mohammad Rafijen, Pencak Silat Maenpo Peupeuhan “Adung Rais”, Dian Rakyat, Jakarta, 2000, pg. 61.
 The following is taken from a biography of Raden Utuk Sumadipraja written by his son Raden Popo Sumadipraja. See, Popo Sumadipraja, ‘Sejarah Pencak Silat di Tatar Sunda‘, unpublished manuscript, date unknown.
 Field notes, 23/7/99, Bandung.
 ‘Mengenal Para Tokoh Pencak Silat Cikalong‘, Jurus: Majalah Seni Beladiri, No.2, 5 July 1999, pp. 32- 33.
 Interview with Raden Popo Sumadipraja, 24/5/99, Cipatat.
 ‘Ameng Timbangan, Beladiri dari Bandung untuk Menyelamatkan Diri dan Lawan‘, in Jurus: Majalah Seni Beladiri, No. 15, 3 January 2000, pp. 53-58
 The books were printed in a limited number. The only existing copy known to the author is in the possession of the Anggakusumah family. Considered a sacred heirloom, it is not shown to outsiders. Dangding is sung, usually with the accompaniment of kecapi suling, an ensemble consisting of bamboo flute (suling), and two stringed zither (kecapi).
 Interview with Gending Raspuzi, 15/08/99, Bandung. Gending Raspuzi studied Timbangan under the late Muhyidin Anggakusumah, Raden Anggakusumah‘s eldest son.
 Jurus, No. 15, 3 January 2000.
 Interview with Fadil Adikusumah, head of the Penca Daya Sunda school, and a teacher of Timbangan, 11/06/99, Bandung. The lesser jihad (Ar: al-jihad al-asghar) involves defending the faith and the believing community from external attack.
 For an account of Aikido‘s philosophy and techniques by the founder‘s son, see Kisshomaru Ueshiba, The Spirit of Aikido, Kodansha International, Tokyo, 1987.
 Interview with Mohammad Rafijen, 2/10/99, Bandung.
 These are both hands, both elbows, both knees, both soles of the feet, both shoulders, and the forehead. Mohammad Rafijen, 2000, pg. 74.